Kedia and his Network

Michael Kedia was an organizer for many of the Caucus partisan groups, which would later work with the Germans in order to defeat the Soviets. Throughout his life Kedia would refer to himself as a Georgian, even though his background was much more complex than that. His family was ethnically Armenian. Born in the Sudetenland region of Czechoslovakia in 1902. Michael Kedia grew up with German nationalist ideas, even though his family moved back to Georgia. Michael fled Georgia to Parris during the Russian revolution.

In Parris he worked for the Georgian government in exile, until 1940, when Germany occupied Parris. Kedia was more than pleased, with him being able to get a new job working for the fascist. He was tasked with forming a committee, known as the Caucasian National Committee. Their goal was to unite Georgians, Armenians, Azerbaijans, and Caucasians together to help fight for the German cause.

The networks biggest task was to recruit people in eastern Europe to fight for the Germans. Some of these where men would join the German ranks, while other were recruited to do work behind enemy lines. Kedia was smart, since he already works for one government in exile, he used a similar tone when contacting potential partisans. He would always elude his recruits into believe that he worked for a “government in wait” that was supported by the Fascist Germans. This idea of the Germans having a government in waiting, for these newly conquer regions, was never fully endorsed by the Germans, but was still an idea used to recruit partisan by Kedia.

During Operation Zepplin, Kedia presented the Germans with an idea on how to attack the Soviets, by using the border between Russia and Turkey, name Operation Mainz. The plan was the Michael Kedia would organize his men, under the idea of restarting the Democratic Republic of Georgia, which was a government which lasted four years. With the help of Turkish intelligence, the Germans help Kedia smuggle two squadron of men across the Soviet border near Batumi, and to link up with anti-Soviet groups operating tin the area. From there Kedia would organize logistical plans, to help get his fellow partisan weapons and sabotage material from the Germans. Later in 1944 the Germans would dedicate more resources, as well as deploying 5 more teams. By this time the war was drawing to the close and maintaining contact with the teams that were deployed through Turkey, became increasingly harder to keep in contact with.

Kedia was viewed as a man of honor, not just his fellow partisan, but also by the German leadership as well. He was considered trusty worthy and mentally strong at the same time. Many people living in German occupied territories in the east, view Kedia as a heroic leader. He wasn’t viewed as a traitor for helping the Germans but was rather viewed as a someone who was in exile, only to return to save his homeland.

Even while the war was ending Kedia was busy organizing an escape plan, to help save himself and some of his fellow Partisans. He even wrote a note, to be handed to the allies should, him and his partisan need to surrender:

The principal question which dominates the international situation today is the determination of Stalin to emerge as sole beneficiary from this war which has been fought with so much sacrifice by the Allies..

His aims are no longer the defeat of Nazi Germany, a fact which is already practically accomplished, but the expulsion of the Anglo-Saxons in Europe, Asia, and wherever else he can. In addition to his legendary cunning and his iron will, he possesses throughout Europe and Asia armies of discontented people and fifth columns. The ranks of these fifth columns are being swelled in proportion with Stalins advance through Europe under the halo of a Liberator. . . .

In face of this grave danger which threatens them, the world democracies must face Stalin without a day’s delay with an active and tenacious policy. If the democracies wish to avoid committing suicide, they must prepare a cordon and organize the people on this side of the barricade before the explosion of inevitable armed conflict.

With regard to the people of Eastern Europe including non-Russians in the USSR who number 90 million, the Baltic states, White Ruthenia, the Ukraine, the Caucasus, Turkestan, Volgar-Tatar, and the Taxus people of the Crimea for whom I and my friends were the spokesmen in Berlin; their organization and direction will be simple. These people all want to separate from Russia and establish the independence of their countries.

This great mass of men consisting of several hundreds of thousands cannot of course be organized on a policy based on a concept of the sub-human out of the east, but with a democratic policy of Liberty and the self-determination of peoples.

The first thing to be done in this direction is to prevent at once all the Caucasians and other non-Russian people who have fallen into the hands of the Western Allies as prisoners, refugees or deported workers from being returned to the Russians.

I hope that our apprehensions and fears for the policies and person of Stalin will be received by you with more understanding than they were by the Nazi government of the Herrnvolk who thought they understood everything better than us poor sub-humans from the East.

Kedia did contact the Allies towards the end of the war to do negotiations, and to work with the Allies. Unfortunately for Kedia, it was more important for America to subvert the network he built.

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